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Richard S. Beam

312 The Fourth of July - 2025

6/25/2025

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​It occurred to me a bit ago that the Fourth of July, our national day for celebrating our independence from England, will be upon us in fairly short order and that it might be a worthy subject for some discussion.  Unfortunately, perhaps, that almost certainly means I must stray further than I generally like to into what we call “POLITICS.”  I really don’t enjoy doing that, but it seems to me that there are things (even about THAT subject) which should be said and, since I’ve been thinking about them a good deal recently, maybe I should say them.

According to Wikipedia (Not the BEST possible source perhaps, but one which generally provides fairly reasonable discussions.)
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That strikes me as a fairly practical way to approach the general nature of a political system.  But, it doesn’t always seem to be as widely accepted as I think it should be.

You see, it appears to have become fashionable in some circles to start from the assumption that our country’s history can only be viewed in terms of our being the perfect nation, always kind, fair and helpful to all of it’s citizens, who, OF COURSE, are and always have been treated by their government with the GREATEST possible fairness, etc., etc., etc.  Anything else is suggested (at least by those people) as being UNPATRIOTIC and shouldn’t be taught, tolerated, or allowed a position in public mind.

This makes me  wonder what those folks would say if we reminded them that this country (yes, The United States of America) is, IN FACT, founded on numerous acts of TREASON and that the signing and publication of the Declaration of Independence, which we are about to celebrate, is only ONE of a fairly large number of such acts.  And, no, I do NOT mean treason in any modest sense of the word.  The Declaration is, after all, nothing less than a statement denying the validity of an anointed King and His government to rule over what had clearly been established as His legal property and over His citizens (that is, us) who were occupying it.  

Now, what had happened was that SOME of those citizens had decided to reject the King’s authority because they felt that they were not being given the same treatment as others of his subjects.  That led them to decide that they, and the lands they occupied, should, in fact, be legally theirs, NOT HIS.  And, they already had, actually, taken up arms against His soldiers in an attempt to force Him to grant them their “right” to establish THEIR OWN government in place of His.  Now, this WAS NOT what one might think of as an established/accepted idea at the time!  And, it certainly, was NOT anything like standard operating procedure.  I confess that I am not a real scholar of American History, nor of the American Revolution specifically, but one doesn’t need to look too closely at the history of Western Civilization to discover that this concept was, in fact, quite a novel idea at the time.  

I AM, however, a bit of a scholar of American theatre (at least I think that I am), and I have been led to believe that while Peter Stone and Sherman Edwards’ musical, 1776, is a good deal more “historical fiction” than actual history, it does seem to be generally accepted as a reasonably fair representation of the process of the Declaration’s adoption.  Hence, I have few serious concerns about suggesting that the dialogue of that musical probably deals with the ideas current at that moment with a reasonable degree of accuracy.  For example, I am quite sure that these lines between Ben Franklin and John Adams are quite plausible, even if the lack of actual records of the proceedings do not appear to have survived to support the idea that they are actual quotes.
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I think the point being made here amounts, primarily, to the notion that such words as “treason” are often rather slippery to define and that it’s not all that uncommon for what one person sees as “patriotism,” to be seen by someone else as “treason!”  My suspicion is that such terms are actually dependent on the point of view of the person who uses them, and are not as easily defined in terms of having clearly-established, absolute meanings, as some would like to suggest.

To set the record straight, I tend to believe, along with our Founding Father, John Adams, that:
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Or, to put it in the words of the Declaration:
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​I have to acknowledge that, given what I know about the late 18th Century, most people would probably have agreed that, if that statement wasn’t treasonous, it was about as close as one could get to it as is possible, at that time.

On the other hand, given the current state of affairs in the 250 year old nation which the Declaration eventually created, I have come to notice that this does NOT seem to be the notion of government which is universally accepted, even in the United States these days, at least by some.  At the moment, there seem to be all sorts of differing and (at least to me) somewhat disturbing concepts as to what the “proper” nature of government might, in fact be.  

Now, I tend to think that Mr. Adams’ statement (see above) that a government’s job includes “… the happiness of the people.” goes a long way towards being the most satisfactory statement of the purposes of any government which wishes to have the support of its governed.

Please note that this definition seems to strongly suggest that the most desirable way for a government to function is to see that it strives to do the best that it can to assure that the maximum number of citizens achieve the maximum amount of "happiness.”  That’s quite a difficult and complicated process and almost assuredly there always will be some people who will wish for a “better” deal, or that the government had made different choices, etc.  I can accept that as both reasonable and likely.  However, that doesn’t mean that the underlying principle of establishing the maximum possible happiness in the society should not be sought after, in spite of the probability that perfection and universal agreement are unlikely to be reached.  The desired “perfect” end may well be unlikely, but the AIM should always be get as close as possible. 
Now, over the roughly 250 years since the Declaration was signed, there have been various groups within our society which have suggested that we are most likely to achieve this goal by applying various conceptual schemes.  One of the more common ones has been that our government should be run like a business.  I would suggest that this “business model” is NOT reasonable, if one considers the actual nature of a business. 

AS I understand it, the purpose of a business is to make a profit for its owners, be they a single individual, a partnership (of any size), or the traditional concept of a shareholder, i.e. one who owns a share of the business (and is therefore partially responsible for its operation and receives a portion of its profits, if any).  Thus, a business has no, definitional, concern for the “happiness of society.”  That’s neither its function, nor its intent, NOR SHOULD IT BE!  The raison d’être of a business is to make a profit.  Nothing wrong with that idea, but it doesn’t seem to have anything to do with Adams’ notion of the purpose of a government.  A business’s obligation is to create profits for its owners, not to create “happiness” for the general public. 

This helps to explain the ongoing tension between business and government.  A business exists to serve its ownership, while a government exists to try to assure the “happiness of society.”  That notion suggests to me that a government’s primary purpose is to provide certain, necessary services to its citizenry.  Those services, which vary widely, usually are taken to include the provision and maintenance of public facilities (education, roads, sewer, water, electricity, public health, etc.), preservation of the public peace (police & corrections), maintenance of a system of jurisprudence designed and intended to be reasonable and fair (the court system), and protection against fire, natural disaster, crop failure, etc.  They also might include actions to prevent the spread of disease, famine, etc., and actions to build good will among nations, in order to seek to create and maintain broad political stability, reduce the possibility of wars, etc.

Taxes and fees are collected by governments to provide the means to pay for these services.  But, the SERVICES, themselves, are the only things which even vaguely resemble the “profits” of a government since those governments do NOT have ANY MEANS to redistribute excess “income” to its “shareholders” (citizens).  And, that is NOT a government’s function, nor should it be. Therefore, ideally, taxes and fees should be limited so that they only cover the costs of providing government services, with reasonable provision for maintenance and needed upgrades.  And, such taxes and fees should be assessed based on the principle that all citizens (personal and corporate) which make use of the services of the government should contribute to the costs of providing those services in a fair and equitable manner.

That would appear to explain why many governments have legislative bodies and judicial (court) branches.  Those bodies exist for the purpose of determining when and where governmental services are needed and how taxes and fees should be distributed, along with determining any penalties which might be assessed on those who violate the established rules, etc.

The Declaration says:
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​Given the above, I find it hard to accept the idea that “a government is like a business” has any real degree of credibility, or logic.  I do not deny that many businesses make real efforts to create a “positive corporate image” by making charitable donations, supporting hospitals and museums, sponsoring various public events (sometimes even “free” ones) and engaging in many sorts of activities to build customer loyalty and positive feelings on the part of the public towards that business.  But, I also would urge people to remember that a profit-making business’ real function is not to increase “happiness,”  but to generate profits.  It seems exceedingly naive for anyone to believe otherwise.  In simplest terms, wealthy business owners do not set out to be “job creators!”  They MAY create jobs as a part of their business plan, but it is because they need employees to continue to make profits (or to increase them) and not because it’s a “good thing.”

As I attempt to draw this to a close, I would like to include a couple of parting thoughts.  It seems to me that it has been demonstrated many times in history that, as the “Wizard” says in the first Wicked movie: “The best way to bring folks together is to give them a real good enemy.”  This seems (at least at times) to be the approach being utilized by our current administration to insist that it needs to have the power to control our society.  

This sort of action suggests that the attempt is being made to create hate, because some folks are so desperately afraid of not retaining the privileges they have enjoyed in the past, that they wish to require ALL of us to hate those whom they blame for their potential loss of power and privilege. 

Now, being urged to hate someone, or something, seems unlikely to increase “… the protection, safety, prosperity, and happiness of the people.…”, which Mr. Adams suggested was the true function of government.  It really seems more likely to be a sign that some folks are just fearful that they might not be the biggest “winners.”  That, of course, would be quite intolerable for those who wish to believe that they are “better” than the rest of us.

I would also suggest that readers consider the following quote from Robert A. Heinlein:
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In the light of some recent efforts on the part of some of our so-called “leaders” to encourage our government to take precipitous actions towards controlling the public’s access to ideas which THEY don’t agree with by banishing books from public libraries, attempting to control, or abolish the public media, redefining the “acceptable” curriculum in schools to suit “proper” ideas, pressuring higher education to eliminate faculty, programs and materials which may disagree with their policies and using religious criteria for the creation and enforcement of laws, I believe that Heinlein (who I do not always agree with) may have a point worthy of consideration.

I assume that I’ll be back in a couple of weeks, unless the non-uniformed, masked thugs, who seem to be our government police forces these days, come to haul me off to Venezuela, or someplace equally unlikely.  

Personally, since I can trace my ancestors presence on this land back to 1620 (which I don’t say to brag, because that doesn’t make me any better than more recent immigrants), but to reinforce the idea that such facts would seem to make it difficult for them to claim that I am an “Illegal immigrant.”  Of course, the vast majority other US citizens are, in fact, immigrants, although of a somewhat later arrival date.  That could, of course, not pose any real challenge for some of our leader/fanatics, who don’t seem to consider FACTS as being of much importance, so I’m making no positive statements that it won’t happen to me.

Anyway, if the goons don’t get me, I plan to return in a couple of weeks.  I hope you’ll come back, too.

🖖🏼 LLAP,

Dr. B
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P.S. Oh, by the way, I hope you all take some time to celebrate the Fourth with family and friends, but remember that virtually ALL fireworks (about 90%) are currently manufactured in and imported from China, which might make them more expensive this year, if the tariffs are in effect, or not “temporarily” suspended.
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SPECIAL EDITION - Good Night, and Good Luck!

6/16/2025

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I haven’t done a “Special Edition” (out of the usual sequence) post for a good while, but something happened to me a bit ago which seemed to justify one.  I’ll explain this a bit more, but, first, I should confess that this will be an even MORE unusual than previous “special” posts have been because: 1.) it is may well be be taken by some as being HIGHLY political (which I can understand and accept, although I usually try to avoid such topics); and, 2.) in it, I will almost completely be, quoting someone else’s words, with only a few words of commentary.  

After having seen the movie version of Good Night, and Good Luck, and read the screenplay for it (which I found on line), I was quite interested to hear that the same, basic material had been developed into a live, THEATRE event, which was running (apparently quite successfully) on Broadway this season.  I confess that I could not imagine how this material could work live and onstage.

Then I heard that CNN (of all the improbable choices) was going to broadcast the next to last performance of that show’s run LIVE on the evening of this last June 7.  As I was with family that evening, I recorded the broadcast so that I could watch it the next day.  I confess, I was “BLOWN AWAY!”  I kept thinking to myself that, as someone who still thinks like a “techie,” I was VERY impressed with how they had combined a live performance with historic video clips, capturing the sense of a behind the scenes look at live, black and white TV broadcasts.  I have NO idea how it could ever be successfully staged again, and I still don’t!  The complexity of coordination between live and electronic “performance” was just mind-boggling.  Then, you add in that this was the first LIVE broadcast of a Broadway show.  AND, it was, to my thinking, REALLY GREAT THEATRE!  And, let me remind readers, I was already familiar with the, basic material.

This made me feel, much more strongly than I had from watching the movie version, that Ed Murrow’s speech to the RTNDA (Radio Television News Directors Association) on October 15, 1958, deserved to be MUCH better known than it has been and that people who are serious about the “ENTERTAINMENT” industry should know that speech and think about what Murrow was saying in it.  I would suggest that the ideas he expresses apply to us who believe that Theatre can be more than just mindless entertainment just as much as it does to those in TV, radio or digital media.  I admit that this post is a good deal longer than my usual ones, but I think the material is worth the extra time and effort.  I hope you agree.

With that introduction, I now present the complete text of Ed Murrow’s speech to the members of the RTNDA, which I found on line and excerpts of which are used, in both the movie and the play versions of Good Night, and Good Luck.  I think it’s worth reading and thinking about, even if we, in the Theatre are not limited by “wires and lights in a box.”

This just might do nobody any good. At the end of this discourse a few people may accuse this reporter of fouling his own comfortable nest, and your organization may be accused of having given hospitality to heretical and even dangerous thoughts. But I am persuaded that the elaborate structure of networks, advertising agencies and sponsors will not be shaken or altered. It is my desire, if not my duty, to try to talk to you journeymen with some candor about what is happening to radio and television in this generous and capacious land. I have no technical advice or counsel to offer those of you who labor in this vineyard the one that produces words and pictures. You will, I am sure, forgive me for not telling you that the instruments with which you work are miraculous, that your responsibility is unprecedented or that your aspirations are frequently frustrated. It is not necessary to remind you of the fact that your voice, amplified to the degree where it reaches from one end of the country to the other, does not confer upon you greater wisdom than when your voice reached only from one end of the bar to the other. All of these things you know.

You should also know at the outset that, in the manner of witnesses before Congressional committees, I appear here voluntarily-by invitation-that I am an employee of the Columbia Broadcasting System, that I am neither an officer nor any longer a director of that corporation and that these remarks are strictly of a "do-it-yourself" nature. If what I have to say is responsible, then I alone am responsible for the saying of it. Seeking neither approbation from my employers, nor new sponsors, nor acclaim from the critics of radio and television, I cannot very well be disappointed. Believing that potentially the commercial system of broadcasting as practiced in this country is the best and freest yet devised, I have decided to express my concern about what I believe to be happening to radio and television. These instruments have been good to me beyond my due. There exists in mind no reasonable grounds for any kind of personal complaint. I have no feud, either with my employers, any sponsors, or with the professional critics of radio and television. But I am seized with an abiding fear regarding what these two instruments are doing to our society, our culture and our heritage.

Our history will be what we make it. And if there are any historians about fifty or a hundred years from now, and there should be preserved the kinescopes for one week of all three networks, they will there find recorded in black and white, or perhaps in color, evidence of decadence, escapism and insulation from the realities of the world in which we live. I invite your attention to the television schedules of all networks between the hours of 8 and 11 p.m., Eastern Time. Here you will find only fleeting and spasmodic reference to the fact that this nation is in mortal danger. There are, it is true, occasional informative programs presented in that intellectual ghetto on Sunday afternoons. But during the daily peak viewing periods, television in the main insulates us from the realities of the world in which we live. If this state of affairs continues, we may alter an advertising slogan to read: LOOK NOW, AND PAY LATER.

For surely we shall pay for using this most powerful instrument of communication to insulate the citizenry from the hard and demanding realities which must indeed be faced if we are to survive. And I mean the word survive, quite literally. If there were to be a competition in indifference, or perhaps in insulation from reality, then Nero and his fiddle, Chamberlain and his umbrella, could not find a place on an early afternoon sustaining show. If Hollywood were to run out of Indians, the program schedules would be mangled beyond all recognition. Then perhaps, some young and courageous soul with a small budget might do a documentary telling what, in fact, we have done--and are still doing--to the Indians in this country. But that would be unpleasant. And we must at all costs shield the sensitive citizen from anything that is unpleasant.

I am entirely persuaded that the American public is more reasonable, restrained and more mature than most of our industry's program planners believe. Their fear of controversy is not warranted by the evidence. I have reason to know, as do many of you, that when the evidence on a controversial subject is fairly and calmly presented, the public recognizes it for what it is--an effort to illuminate rather than to agitate.


Several years ago, when we undertook to do a program on Egypt and Israel, well-meaning, experienced and intelligent friends in the business said, "This you cannot do. This time you will be handed your head. It is an emotion-packed controversy, and there is no room for reason in it." We did the program. Zionists, anti-Zionists, the friends of the Middle East, Egyptian and Israeli officials said, I must confess with a faint tone of surprise, "It was a fair account. The information was there. We have no complaints.”

Our experience was similar with two half-hour programs dealing with cigarette smoking and lung cancer. Both the medical profession and the tobacco industry cooperated, but in a rather wary fashion. But in the end of the day they were both reasonably content. The subject of radioactive fallout and the banning of nuclear tests was, and is, highly controversial. But according to what little evidence there is, viewers were prepared to listen to both sides with reason and restraint. This is not said to claim any special or unusual competence in the presentation of controversial subjects, but rather to indicate that timidity in these areas is not warranted by the evidence.

Recently, network spokesmen have been disposed to complain that the professional critics of television in print have been rather beastly. There have been ill-disguised hints that somehow competition for the advertising dollar has caused the critics in print to gang up on television and radio. This reporter has no desire to defend the critics. They have space in which to do that on their own behalf. But it remains a fact that the newspapers and magazines are the only instruments of mass communication which remain free from sustained and regular critical comment. I would suggest that if the network spokesmen are so anguished about what appears in print, then let them come forth and engage in a little sustained and regular comment regarding newspapers and magazines. It is an ancient and sad fact that most people in network television, and radio, have an exaggerated regard for what appears in print. And there have been cases where executives have refused to make even private comment on a program for which they are responsible until they had read the reviews in print. This is hardly an exhibition of confidence in their own judgment.


The oldest excuse of the networks for their timidity is their youth. Their spokesmen say, "We are young. We have not developed the traditions. nor acquired the experience of the older media." If they but knew it, they are building those traditions and creating those precedents every day. Each time they yield to a voice from Washington or any political pressure, each time they eliminate something that might offend some section of the community, they are creating their own body of precedent and tradition, and it will continue to pursue them. They are, in fact, not content to be half safe.

Nowhere is this better illustrated than by the fact that the chairman of the Federal Communications Commission publicly prods broadcasters to engage in their legal right to editorialize. Of course, to undertake an editorial policy; overt, clearly labeled, and obviously unsponsored; requires a station or a network to be responsible. Most stations today probably do not have the manpower to assume this responsibility, but the manpower could be recruited. Editorials, of course, would not be profitable. If they had a cutting edge, they might even offend. It is much easier, much less troublesome, to use this money-making machine of television and radio merely as a conduit through which to channel anything that will be paid for that is not libelous, obscene or defamatory. In that way one has the illusion of power without responsibility.

So far as radio--that most satisfying, ancient but rewarding instrument--is concerned, the diagnosis of the difficulties is not too difficult. And obviously I speak only of news and information. In order to progress, it need only go backward. Back to the time when singing commercials were not allowed on news reports, when there was no middle commercial in a 15-minute news report, when radio was rather proud, and alert, and fast. I recently asked a network official, "Why this great rash of five-minute news reports (including three commercials) on weekends?" And he replied, "Because that seems to be the only thing we can sell.”

Well, in this kind of complex and confusing world, you can't tell very much about the "why" of the news in a broadcast where only three minutes is available for news. The only man who could do that was Elmer Davis, and his kind aren't around any more. If radio news is to be regarded as a commodity, only acceptable when saleable, and only when packaged to fit the advertising appropriate of a sponsor, then I don't care what you call it--I say it isn't news.

My memory -- and I have not yet reached the point where my memories fascinate me -- but my memory also goes back to the time when the fear of a slight reduction in business did not result in an immediate cutback in bodies in the news and public affairs department, at a time when network profits had just reached an all-time high. We would all agree, I think, that whether on a station or a network, the stapling machine is a very poor substitute for a newsroom typewriter, and somebody to beat it properly.

One of the minor tragedies of television news and information is that the networks will not even defend their vital interests. When my employer, CBS, through a combination of enterprise and good luck, did an interview with Nikita Khrushchev, the President uttered a few ill-chosen, uninformed words on the subject, and the network thereupon practically apologized. This produced something of a rarity: Many newspapers defended the CBS right to produce the program and commended it for its initiative. The other networks remained silent.

Likewise, when John Foster Dulles, by personal decree, banned American journalists from going to Communist China, and subsequently offered seven contradictory explanations, for his fiat the networks entered only a mild protest. Then they apparently forgot the unpleasantness. Can it be that this national industry is content to serve the public interest only with the trickle of news that comes out of Hong Kong, to leave its viewers in ignorance of the cataclysmic changes that are occurring in a nation of six hundred million people? I have no illusions about the difficulties of reporting from a dictatorship, but our British and French allies have been better served--in their public interest--with some very useful information from their reporters in Communist China.

One of the basic troubles with radio and television news is that both instruments have grown up as an incompatible combination of show business, advertising and news. Each of the three is a rather bizarre and, at times, demanding profession. And when you get all three under one roof, the dust never settles. The top management of the networks with a few notable exceptions, has been trained in advertising, research, sales or show business. But by the nature of the corporate structure, they also make the final and crucial decisions having to do with news and public affairs. Frequently they have neither the time nor the competence to do this. It is, after all, not easy for the same small group of men to decide whether to buy a new station for millions of dollars, build a new building, alter the rate card, buy a new Western, sell a soap opera, decide what defensive line to take in connection with the latest Congressional inquiry, how much money to spend on promoting a new program, what additions or deletions should be made in the existing covey or clutch of vice-presidents, and at the same time-- frequently on the long, same long day--to give mature, thoughtful consideration to the manifold problems that confront those who are charged with the responsibility for news and public affairs.

Sometimes there is a clash between the public interest and the corporate interest. A telephone call or a letter from a proper quarter in Washington is treated rather more seriously than a communication from an irate but not politically potent viewer. It is tempting enough to give away a little air time for frequently irresponsible and unwarranted utterances in an effort to temper the wind of political criticism. But this could well be the subject of a separate and even lengthier and drearier dissertation.

Upon occasion, economics and editorial judgment are in conflict. And there is no law which says that dollars will be defeated by duty. Not so long ago the President of the United States delivered a television address to the nation. He was discoursing on the possibility or the probability of war between this nation and the Soviet Union and Communist China. It would seem to have been a reasonably compelling subject, with a degree of urgency attached. Two networks, CBS and NBC, delayed that broadcast for an hour and fifteen minutes. If this decision was dictated by anything other than financial reasons, the networks didn't deign to explain those reasons. That hour-and-fifteen-minute delay, by the way, is a little more than twice the time required for an ICBM to travel from the Soviet Union to major targets in the United States. It is difficult to believe that this decision was made by men who love, respect and understand news.

I have been dealing largely with the deficit side of the ledger, and the items could be expanded. But I have said, and I believe, that potentially we have in this country a free enterprise system of radio and television which is superior to any other. But to achieve its promise, it must be both free and enterprising. There is no suggestion here that networks or individual stations should operate as philanthropies. But I can find nothing in the Bill of Rights or in the Communications Act which says that they must increase their net profits each year, lest the republic collapse. I do not suggest that news and information should be subsidized by foundations or private subscriptions. I am aware that the networks have expended, and are expending, very considerable sums of money on public affairs programs from which they cannot receive any financial reward. I have had the privilege at CBS of presiding over a considerable number of such programs. And I am able to stand here and say, that I have never had a program turned down by my superiors just because of the money it would cost.

But we all know that you cannot reach the potential maximum audience in marginal time with a sustaining program. This is so because so many stations on the network--any network--will decline to carry it. Every licensee who applies for a grant to operate in the public interest, convenience and necessity makes certain promises as to what he will do in terms of program content. Many recipients of licenses have, in blunt language, just plain welshed on those promises. The money-making machine somehow blunts their memories. The only remedy for this is closer inspection and punitive action by the F.C.C. But in the view of many, this would come perilously close to supervision of program content by a federal agency.

So it seems that we cannot rely on philanthropic support or foundation subsidies. We cannot follow the sustaining route. The networks cannot pay all the freight. And the F.C.C. cannot, will not, or should not discipline those who abuse the facilities that belong to the public. What, then, is the answer? Do we merely stay in our comfortable nests, concluding that the obligation of these instruments has been discharged when we work at the job of informing the public for a minimum of time? Or do we believe that the preservation of the republic is a seven-day-a-week job, demanding more awareness, better skills and more perseverance than we have yet contemplated.
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I am frightened by the imbalance, the constant striving to reach the largest possible audience for everything; by the absence of a sustained study of the state of the nation. Heywood Broun once said, "No body politic is healthy until it begins to itch." I would like television to produce some itching pills rather than this endless outpouring of tranquilizers. It can be done. Maybe it won't be, but it could. But let us not shoot the wrong piano player. Do not be deluded into believing that the titular heads of the networks control what appears on their networks. They all have better taste. All are responsible to stockholders, and in my experience all are honorable men. But they must schedule what they can sell in the public market.

And this brings us to the nub of the question. In one sense it rather revolves around the phrase heard frequently along Madison Avenue: "The Corporate Image." I am not precisely sure what this phrase means, but I would imagine that it reflects a desire on the part of the corporations who pay the advertising bills to have a public image, or believe that they are not merely bodies with no souls, panting in pursuit of elusive dollars. They would like us to believe that they can distinguish between the public good and the private or corporate gain. So the question is this: Are the big corporations who pay who pay the freight for radio and television programs to use that time exclusively for the sale of goods and services? Is it in their own interest and that of the stockholders so to do? The sponsor of an hour's television program is not buying merely the six minutes devoted to his commercial message. He is determining, within broad limits, the sum total of the impact of the entire hour. If he always, invariably, reaches for the largest possible audience, then this process of insulation, of escape from reality, will continue to be massively financed, and its apologists will continue to make winsome speeches about giving the public what it wants, or letting the public decide.


I refuse to believe that the presidents and chairmen of the boards of these big corporations want their corporate image to consist exclusively of a solemn voice in an echo chamber, or a pretty girl opening the door of a refrigerator, or a horse that talks. They want something better, and on occasion some of them have demonstrated it. But most of the men whose legal and moral responsibility it is to spend the stockholders' money for advertising are, in fact, removed from the realities of the mass media by five, six, or a dozen contraceptive layers of vice-presidents, public relations counsel and advertising agencies. Their business is to sell goods, and the competition is pretty tough.

But this nation is now in competition with malignant forces of evil who are using every instrument at their command to empty the minds of their subjects and fill those minds with slogans, determination and faith in the future. If we go on as we are, we are protecting the mind of the American public from any real contact with the menacing world that squeezes in upon us. We are engaged in a great experiment to discover whether a free public opinion can devise and direct methods of managing the affairs of the nation. We may fail. But in terms of information, we are handicapping ourselves needlessly.

Let us have a little competition not only in selling soap, cigarettes and automobiles, but in informing a troubled, apprehensive but receptive public. Why should not each of the 20 or 30 big corporations--and they dominate radio and television--decide that they will give up one or two of their regularly scheduled programs each year, turn the time over to the networks and say in effect: "This is a tiny tithe, just a little bit of our profits. On this particular night we aren't going to try to sell cigarettes or automobiles; this is merely a gesture to indicate our belief in the importance of ideas." The networks should, and I think they would, pay for the cost of producing the program. The advertiser, the sponsor, would get name credit but would have nothing to do with the content of the program. Would this blemish the corporate image? Would the stockholders rise up and object? I think not. For if the premise upon which our pluralistic society rests, which as I understand it is that if the people are given sufficient undiluted information, they will then somehow, even after long, sober second thoughts, reach the right conclusion. If that premise is wrong, then not only the corporate image but the corporations and the rest of us are done for.

There used to be an old phrase in this country, employed when someone talked too much. I am grateful to all of you for not having employed it earlier. The phrase was: "Go hire a hall." Under this proposal, the sponsor would have hired the hall; he has bought the time. The local station operator, no matter how indifferent, is going to carry the program--he has to--he's getting paid for it. Then it's up to the networks to fill the hall. I am not here talking about editorializing but about straightaway exposition as direct, unadorned and impartial as fallible human beings can make it. Just once in a while let us exalt the importance of ideas and information. Let us dream to the extent of saying that on a given Sunday night the time normally occupied by Ed Sullivan is given over to a clinical survey of the state of American education, and a week or two later the time normally used by Steve Allen is devoted to a thoroughgoing study of American policy in the Middle East. Would the corporate image of their respective sponsors be damaged? Would the stockholders rise up and complain? Would anything happen other than that a few million people would have received a little illumination on subjects that may well determine the future of this country, and therefore also the future of the corporations? This method would also provide real competition between the networks as to which could outdo the others in the palatable presentation of information. It would provide an outlet for the young men of skill, and there are many, even of dedication, who would like to do something other than devise methods of insulating while selling.

There may be other and simpler methods of utilizing these instruments of radio and television in the interest of a free society. But I know of none that could be so easily accomplished inside the framework of the existing commercial system. I don't know how you would measure the success or failure of a given program. And it would be very hard to prove the magnitude of the benefit accruing to the corporation which gave up one night of a variety or quiz show in order that the network might marshal its skills to do a thorough-going job on the present status of NATO, or plans for controlling nuclear tests. But I would reckon that the president, and indeed the stockholders of the corporation who sponsored such a venture, would feel just a little bit better about both the corporation and the country.

It may be that this present system, with no modifications and no experiments, can survive. Perhaps the money-making machine has some kind of built-in perpetual motion, but I do not think so. To a very considerable extent, the media of mass communications in a given country reflects the political, economic and social climate in which it grows and flourishes. That is the reason our system differs from the British and the French, and also from the Russian and the Chinese. We are currently wealthy, fat, comfortable and complacent. We have currently a built-in allergy to unpleasant or disturbing information. And our mass media reflect this. But unless we get up off our fat surpluses and recognize that television in the main is being used to distract, delude, amuse and insulate us, then television and those who finance it, those who look at it and those who work at it, may see a totally different picture too late.

I do not advocate that we turn television into a 27-inch wailing wall, where longhairs constantly moan about the state of our culture and our defense. But I would just like to see it reflect occasionally the hard, unyielding realities of the world in which we live. I would like to see it done inside the existing framework, and I would like to see the doing of it redound to the credit of those who finance and program it. Measure the results by Nielsen, Trendex or Silex-it doesn't matter. The main thing is to try. The responsibility can be easily placed, in spite of all the mouthings about giving the public what it wants. It rests on big business, and on big television, and it rests on the top. Responsibility is not something that can be assigned or delegated. And it promises its own reward: both good business and good television.

Perhaps no one will do anything about it. I have ventured to outline it against a background of criticism that may have been too harsh only because I could think of nothing better. Someone once said--and I think it was Max Eastman--that "that publisher serves his advertiser best who best serves his readers." I cannot believe that radio and television, or the corporations that finance the programs, are serving well or truly their viewers or their listeners, or themselves.

I began by saying that our history will be what we make it. If we go on as we are, then history will take its revenge, and retribution will not limp in catching up with us.

We are to a large extent an imitative society. If one or two or three corporations would undertake to devote just a small fraction of their advertising appropriation along the lines that I have suggested, the procedure might well grow by contagion; the economic burden would be bearable, and there might ensue a most exciting adventure--exposure to ideas and the bringing of reality into the homes of the nation.

To those who say people wouldn't look; they wouldn't be interested; they're too complacent, indifferent and insulated, I can only reply: There is, in one reporter's opinion, considerable evidence against that contention. But even if they are right, what have they got to lose? Because if they are right, and this instrument is good for nothing but to entertain, amuse and insulate, then the tube is flickering now and we will soon see that the whole struggle is lost.

This instrument can teach, it can illuminate; yes, and even it can inspire. But it can do so only to the extent that humans are determined to use it to those ends. Otherwise, it's nothing but wires and lights in a box. There is a great and perhaps decisive battle to be fought against ignorance, intolerance and indifference. This weapon of television could be useful.

Stonewall Jackson, who is generally believed to have known something about weapons, is reported to have said, "When war comes, you must draw the sword and throw away the scabbard." The trouble with television is that it is rusting in the scabbard during a battle for survival. Thank you for your patience.

I believe that many of the issues Murrow raises can (and do) also occur in Theatre circles.  I would argue that the Theatre, like the other media, CAN entertain, and CAN, at least at times, DO SO WHILE STIMULATING DISCUSSION AND DEBATE ON SERIOUS TOPICS.  Or, it can just devolve into mindless “entertaining” drivel.  Which direction it (they) go, as Murrow suggests, depends on our willingness to actually take an active part in our society, as opposed to just being passive, submissive spectators of it.

Good Night, and Good Luck!

Dr. B
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310 Some Quotes, Thought & Rethought

6/11/2025

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A good while back, I started a file collecting quotes from various sources which struck me as interesting in some way.  This was just a collection, mind you, with no real logic or organization, just stuff that people had said, or written, which struck me as interesting in some way.  My idea, as I remembered it, was that some of them might, someday, be of some use for one of these posts.  

Then, not too long ago, I ran across a reference to the famous quote from the novel, and the later movie, of Love Story by Erich Segal.  I’m sure everyone likely to read this has heard it, "Love means never having to say you're sorry.”  Yes, I know that for many people it brings back thoughts of beauty, romance, young love, and great loss.  On the other hand, when I ran across that reference, the first thing that occurred to me was “That’s REALLY stupid!”

Now, I won’t pretend that I’m so unromantic as to accept that I don’t understand that the INTENT of that phrase was to suggest that true love forgives all without question, etc., etc., tear-jerker, etc.  On the other hand, it also seems to suggest that, if you really LOVE someone, that fact in some way excuses you, from even desiring/ requesting their forgiveness, if you have done something which has, in some way,  hurt that person.  

Personally, I suspect that this notion would go a long way towards explaining a great many divorces, and, perhaps, murders and suicides, as well.  It seems to me that, when one becomes conscious of the idea that they might have done something which has injured or upset their beloved, the simple concept of actual love should REQUIRE one to take whatever steps are necessary to prove that they understand they have done wrong, are sorry to have done so, and desire forgiveness for having hurt their loved one.

Anyway, thinking about that quote reminded me of my “Quotes” file, so I thought I’d look it over and see if I could do a post built on quotes I like, or don’t.  While there isn’t any real connection to the ideas discussed here (other than all deriving from quotes) The result struck me as interesting because it allowed me to let my mind wander, and comment, on a number of issues which I’ve been thinking about recently.  So, don’t expect this to have some serious “theme, or something, it’s pretty random, even for me, but maybe at least some of it might be of interest to others.  So, for whatever it’s worth, here goes!

Certainly, one quote which I am EXTREMELY fond of comes from The Holy Bible, Matthew, Chap. 6.  Actually, I like ALL of Chapter 6, but this part ( 6.6-8) I am especially fond of.  Perhaps you know it already, but it’s worth repeating:
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I confess that it seems to me that there are far too many people who SAY that they believe in (and practice) the ideas of Jesus and the Bible, but don’t seem to actually behave in the ways suggested by him as appropriate.  The particular behavior discussed above seems among the most widely ignored, at least to me.  I was taught that one should work to develop a PERSONAL/PRIVATE relationship with the Divine (In THIS case the reference is to the “Father” as described by Jesus.) and the point is NOT “showiness,” public display, or repetition, but actual sincerity in word and deed.  But I’m only one of those “Internet-ordained” ministers of the Universal Life Church, so what do I know?

A different (and unrelated) quote I find interesting is a passage from Robert A. Heinlein’s Starship Troopers which comments on the oft-repeated statement that “Violence never settles anything!”  Now while I am not fond of violent actions and I certainly do NOT advocate their use except as a seriously considered last resort, I have to agree that there is at least a good deal of truth when one of Heinlein’s character’s (a former soldier, now a teacher) says:
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I​t seems to me that one can’t argue with the fact that violence HAS (in fact) “settled” a good number of things, not always for the better.  Just ask the Indigenous Peoples of what has become the United States (and in numerous other areas around the world).  Their lands, religions, languages, and cultures have often been, in fact, devastated as a result of violent invasions by better-armed and more violence-prone “others” who conquered their lands mostly by the force of violence.  That’s worth thinking about, although I do NOT suggest it as being the most desirable choice for action except under the most extreme circumstances..

Slightly related, perhaps, is the reminder that people CAN, in fact, correctly insist that they are VERY careful to never behave in a fashion which might be construed as being impolite, yet still make a somewhat censorious point.  It IS true that some others might disagree with such an assertion, but it is also POSSIBLE that they could be incorrect in their belief.  All things considered, I like to think that I at least TRY to follow in Lady Violet’s tracks.
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Certainly one of my favorite authors is Issac Asimov, author of science fiction, detective stories, and (they tell me) a pretty damn good biochemist (and Professor of such).  In the vast course of his various writings, he has created characters who have touched on a HUGE number of topics, almost always with something interesting to say about them and usually quite thought provoking.  This, quote, however, is (I believe) from Asimov, personally.  I think it’s especially worth consideration in these times.
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Now it may be nice to think that all statements by any person should be seriously considered as being of value.  However, as Asimov suggests (and I agree with) that’s not a very reasonable notion.  To the suggestion that we should give equal consideration to ideas expressed by ANYONE who chooses to open his/her mouth on ANY topic, he is clearly saying “Poppycock!”  I agree with Asimov, and would go so far as to suggest that beliefs like that are not only unreasonable, they are dangerous.  After all, if EVERYTHING is TRUE, then NOTHING is FALSE, which means that TRUTH also has NO meaning.  

That’s worth thinking about because it makes society, politics, finance, virtually ALL HUMAN ENDEAVOR, IMPOSSIBLE!  Somehow, THAT doesn’t seem like a good idea.  I certainly wish that the old, academic idea of actually obtaining evidence based on fact and expert opinion, then giving that information reasonable consideration based on careful consideration of sources, methodology, etc., is much more likely to lead to better results than just believing in something because “That’s what I saw on the internet!”, for example.
I really didn’t set out to delve into religious sorts of ideas, but there are so many wonderful quotes which have come out of various people’s thinking about religious-related topics that I just can’t resist a couple more.

I mentioned Issac Asimov a bit ago.  I really love this story which he is quoted as having told:​


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The next time someone gets you REALLY annoyed (okay, “pissed off”), it wouldn’t hurt to remember Asimov’s comment.  His suggestion seems to me to simply suggest that civilized behavior should be the desired end, even when we disagree about something.

All, things taken as equal, I think Thomas Jefferson (most of us have heard of, and many admire, him) spoke rather wise words when he suggested:
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Charles M. Schulz, the creator of the Peanuts comic strip, commented on this sort of thing in person, but, if you think about it, I think this sort of idea showed up quite frequently in his cartoons.  I do like this statement of his quite a lot.
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These quotes reminded me of a favorite of mine from Fred Rogers, in which he seems to sort of refer back to the idea of the nature of love which started me on this whole, rambling discussion.  

Mr. Rogers was, of course, a Presbyterian minister, as well as the television personality that many of us trusted to help raise our children (and, probably, weren’t hurt by occasionally watching his show, ourselves).  In any event, I think his take on the nature of love is worthy of serious consideration (and probably should be a part of every person’s thinking most of the time).  I like it a LOT!  It’s worth at LEAST a second, maybe even a THIRD, look!
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I think that’s probably quite enough contemplation of “serious” quotes for one post, and I do NOT plan to engage in this sort of thing too often, but I won’t apologize for indulging in such ramblings on occasion, although I do try to keep them fairly rare.  I have a strong suspicion that it doesn’t hurt any of us to occasionally take ourselves out and take a look at ourselves.  We just MIGHT come up with some things worthy of some thought.

To put this to a close, clever sounding quotes are, I suspect, much enjoyed, especially by those who create them, which probably includes authors of all types, those who think of themselves as “Wits,” and, unfortunately, a good many political figures.  It seems to me that it MIGHT be wise, however,  when thinking about how smart we are, to give some serious consideration to this, quite famous, quote; “You fell victim to one of the classic blunders!  The most famous of which is, ‘never get involved in a land war in Asia,’ but only slightly less well-known is this: ‘never go in against a Sicilian when death is on the line!’" 

Now, I will NOT suggest that those ideas MIGHT, normally, not be bad advice.  But, as Vinzzini was about to discover, in The Princess Bride, there is always the possibility that your opponent just might be playing the game of life by somewhat different rules.  That’s the catch that, just MIGHT, separate the wit from the half-wit!

Well, there you go, some things you might want to think about for the next couple of weeks.  At that point, I expect I will return with something else which has amused, puzzled, or bothered me to ramble on about for a few pages. 

I hope you’ll come back to find out what I come up with.  In the meantime,

🖖🏼 LLAP,

Dr. B
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    Just personal comments about things which interest me (and might interest others).

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